
AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS
The following extract is taken
from "The Victorian Peasant" and is
by Richard Heath, who wrote essays
on the agricultural labourer, after a series of
pedestrian tours between 1870
and 1874.
(When) the War closed (in 1815), the glory of Trafalgar and of Waterloo
was soon forgotten in the collapse which followed the inflation of trade,
caused by the extravagance which had spent £625,000,000 in order to
overthrow the French Revolution. And not only were the people of this
country saddled for ever with this overwhelming debt, but the Nemesis
also came in an ever-widening estrangement of classes.
The war found the farmer and his men living and working together in a
somewhat patriarchal fashion; it left the master a gentleman, the labourer
a pauper. The latter, no longer an inmate at the farm, lodged in some hovel
and took his meals at the ale-house. But the widespread ruin the collapse
produced led to the consolidation of farms in fewer hands. The separation
between master and man became more complete; financial success the one end
aimed at ---- 'buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest' ---- the
one principle that prevailed. But such was the state of things that the
masters were able not only to take full advantage of this law, but to go
beyond it. For not only did one large farm require less labourers than the
same area divided into several smaller ones, not only was the labour market
abnormally increased by the stimulus given to human production by the Poor
Law System, but that same system rendered the men careless of the amount of
wages they received, since they knew the deficiency would be made up by the
parish. Wages were accordingly given which, without this parochial dole, could
not have kept the labourer alive.
Seven, eight, or at the highest nine or ten shillings a week, when the
quartern loaf averaged eighteenpence, simply meant wholesale murder. But the
screw was put on gradually, and in a few years, when bread had fallen to 11
1/2d the quartern loaf, there were places, Northamptonshire for example, where
the magistrate fixed the parish allowance at 5s a single man, 6s a man and wife,
and 2s each child, whatever the family earned to be deducted from the allowance.
As 14s or 15s was the least a single man could live upon when bread was still
cheaper, it is manifest that the wages which have been given to the Agricultural
Labourer during the greater part of this century - 7s, 8s or the utmost 9s or
l0s have meant starvation during the lifetime of at least one generation and a
portion of two others. For be it remembered that on these miserable sums not one
person, but very frequently four or five have had to live. It was only done by
reducing the quantity of bread, bacon and beer, and taking in their place gruel,
potatoes, suet and rice puddings, with decoctions of washed-out tea leaves. But
even such fare was hardly possible under the varying prices which obtained during
the Protective system. An old man told me that he remembered the time when the
bread they had to eat was almost black, and so hard that they had to chop it. At
such times, and perhaps many others, parents were glad on dark winter afternoons
to fill their children's stomachs with fluid made of hot water and coarse brown
sugar, flavoured with a modicum of milk, and putting them to bed, get rid of
their cries for food until the next morning. 'No wonder,' as Cobbett said to one
of his labourers, 'no wonder that you are all as thin as owlets, and that that
son of yours there, who is nineteen years old, and is five feet nine inches high,
is as you told me last summer, too weakly to do a man's work. No wonder that his
knees bend under him, and that he has a voice like that of a girl, instead of being
able to carry a sack of wheat and jump a five-barred gate.'
In Warwickshire I met two infirm men crawling like beetles along the road. After
some conversation the elder of the two told me that he had brought eight children
into the world and had buried five. What they died of he could hardly tell.
Decline, one died of that,he knew - they called it 'consumpted decline'. Phthisis
and scrofula, as every country practitioner has known, found its most frequent
victims among this famine-struck race.
The degradation of pauperism is far worse than that of slavery, and of all
pauperism none surely exceeded in cruelty this which fell to the lot of the
English Labourer. Pampered at first, led even into a coarse luxury, he was
rapidly let down until he was treated to such degradations as being put up to
auction, and his labour sold to the highest bidder, or to being made to drag
gravel carts like a beast of burden.
Left in ignorance so dense that probably not one in five could read or write,
was it surprising that agricultural labourers should view the introduction of
threshing machines as calculated to put the finishing stroke to their ruin? When
a prairie has been dried up by a long drought the merest spark will produce a
conflagration, carrying destruction over hundreds of miles; so it is with a popular
movement, no one knows how it began or where it will end. Thus in the autumn of 1830,
Agricultural England was panic-stricken by the news that the labourers were rising
everywhere, destroying machines and setting fire to ricks. The movement spread through
the southern, eastern and midland counties, and even showed itself in Cumberland.
Sometimes it was a mere riot with an onslaught on some poor-house, parsonage, or
manor-house, sometimes it was content with merely destroying machinery, but the
most usual form was rick-burning. Night after night in many parts of England the
blazing sky told that Captain Swing had been at his work.
In the roughly printed booklet from whence this mythic personage sprang, he is
made to say:
I am not the author of these burnings. What can have caused them? Those fires,
said I, are caused by farmers having been turned out of their lands to make room
for foxes, peasants confined two years in prison for picking up a dead partridge,
and parsons taking a poor man 's only cow for the tithe of his
Another extract
In the close parishes of Northamptonshire the cottage supply is insufficient for
the amount of labour; in the open ones the accommodation is rarely, if ever,
adequate to provide for the health, comfort, and morals of the inhabitants. As an
instance of the sort of building supposed to be good enough for a labouring family:
'Four cottages stand together in a village near a malt-kiln. They had gardens. A
speculator bought them. He turned the kiln into six cottages, and built five others
on the ground which had been used for gardens.' In almost all the villages of
Northamptonshire instances are to be met with of overcrowding. 'A cot, measuring
16 feet by 18 feet,' the report states, 'was inhabited by a grandfather, aged
eighty-four, father, mother, and eleven children - fourteen in all; and at the
time the place was visited the mother of the family was engaged in washing out
clothes in the only living-room.' This is spoken of as the worst case, but others
very bad are mentioned.
Education is very defective in Northamptonshire, not for want of schools, but owing
to the. indifference and want of affection on the part of the parents. This is
attributed to the demoralisation resulting from bad cottages, and to the poverty of
the people and consequent want of hope.
Bedfordshire is very inadequately supplied with cottages. They are few and small,
and their condition is often a mere precarious holding together of rotten materials;
the stitch in time has not been applied, and there are hundreds on which no repairs
can now be bestowed with advantage.
This was the state of things in 1864. In 1867 Mr Culley reports that in about half
of fifty-five parishes of which he received descriptions,
the cottage accommodation was either mixed, bad and good, or generally bad - so we
take the above as descriptive of the cots in such parishes. Of one district it is
said:
Most of the men are intemperate. The causes are the aggre-gation of cottages in
the villages, the wretched condition of the cottages, the entire absence of a
proprietary considering them-selves in any way responsible for the moral and
physical well-being of their tenants, and, lastly, the very defective legislation
about public-houses.
In Buckinghamshire the labourer's home is no better than elsewhere. Here is an
interior drawn by a landowner at Coleshill:
Look into a cottage in Bucks. You see a want of furniture, scanty bedding, perhaps
the remains of a quartern loaf, and a mug smelling of beer. The family, not having
a good meal of victuals once in twelve months, do their work (except piecework)
accordingly without a will. As a rule, they are honest and well-conducted, but their
enemies are want of economy, ignorance, and the beer-shop.
In the autumn of 1863 the Morning Star published a series of articles, entitled
'Rural Life in Buckinghamshire'. Mr Culley mentions that in seven of the worst
parishes exposed in these articles there has only been improvement in two. Of
cottages in other parts he speaks in such language as 'very wretched dens',
'wretched hovels', 'very bad cottages, quite unfit for human beings to live in.'
In the 'Burnham Magazine' of May 1868 were some strong remarks about the cottages
in that town, ending thus: 'Human nature caged up in them must become degraded, and
when these homes are emptied from the sheer impossibility of living in them, the
beer-shops of course are filled.'
Oxfordshire is a thoroughly agricultural county, and in its farming arrangements
still maintains some old-fashioned ideas
and practices. Boys are still lodged at the farmers' houses, and instead of
looking to factories and mines for an improvement in their position, they aspire
to be grooms, and girls to go out to service. The boys are employed on the land,
as they are in most other parts of the country, too early, and, trudging about in
their heavy boots on the sticky soil, contract a weakness in the legs, which leaves
its indelible mark in an awkward gait.
Oxfordshire cottages are not so bad as those of Beds or Bucks; but in treating of
Oxon and Berks Mr Culley attributes the loose morals of the female population to
the overcrowding of cottages.
From Berkshire come a series of denunciations. The Rev. W. J. Butler, Wantage,
says: 'Wretched pigsties of hovels destroy decency, self-respect, and the love of
home. I could mention frightful results from the present system of dwelling-houses.
Speaking of the Union of Newent, in Gloucestershire, a union comprising eighteen
parishes with a population of 12,500, Dr Fraser says:
The physical, social and educational condition of the labouring classes appeared
to me to be low. Many cottages which I saw in the parishes of Newent, Linton, and
Taynton, are simply unfit for human habitation. . . In Linton I was informed very few
of the cottages have a staircase; the bedrooms are reached by a ladder or steps.
The casesin which the roof- particularly when it is old thatch - is so utterly unsound
as to be unable to resist anything like a downpour, and where people's bedding, in
consequence, constantly gets deluged, are too numerous to mention.
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